By Robert DesJarlait It would be simple to say that the Anishinaabe place in contemporary visual art began with Patrick DesJarlait and George Morrison and everything fell into place after that. But the history of Anishinaabe art is much more complex than a simplification. Placing Anishinaabe art within a specific period, e.g., contemporary, overlooks the evolution and history of Anishinaabe art. The ethnocentric perspective of Native America art history establishes labels and categories – applied art, handicrafts, decorative arts, fine art, and visual art. But from a Native American worldview, there are no borders or boundaries. Melville Herskovits writes: “Our [Western] fixation on pseudo-realism contained a hidden, culture-bound judgment wherein the values of our own society, based on our particular perceptual modes, were extended into universals and applied to art in general…The ‘natural’ world is natural because we define it as such because most of us, immersed in our own culture, have never experienced any other definition of reality.”[1] Herskovits was writing about the Euro-American perspective regarding “primitive art.” The notion of early Native art as being primitive, at least according to European standards, was established by anthropologists. Native art was considered crude and childlike. As such, it lacked aesthetic value and was purely a functional and utilitarian art. Hence, the boundary was set between Native American, African, and Oceanic indigenous art and the aesthetics of European art. Wolfgang Haberland further defines the differentiation of aesthetics: “There are several kinds of aesthetics…‘Universal aesthetics’ embraces the general human ability to create and appreciate objects of beauty. ‘Group aesthetics’ embodies a given culture’s ideas about beauty. It is shared by all or most members of the group…‘Individual’ aesthetics refers to the individual ability to appreciate, or, in the case of an artist, to create beauty.”[2] Haberland adds: “Anthropologists, art historians, and art critics interested in non-Western art are always trying to explain foreign group aesthetics through European-formed views of individual aesthetics.”[3] And therein lays the crux of the problem of defining Native art. Compartmentalized, categorized, and labeled, the interconnectedness of Native art and its inherent aesthetics are disconnected. In the ethnocentric perspective, artist and art become maker and object. The finger strokes on a rock are not connected to a paint brush on canvas. To understand Anishinaabe art, one needs to set aside labels, such as “contemporary,” and view Anishinaabe aesthetics from an Anishinaabe worldview. In this worldview, there is no separation between art forms; rather there is a continuity of aesthetics, although the medium differentiates the application and expression of those aesthetics. It should be noted that Anishinaabe art is representative of the art forms and aesthetics that evolved among indigenous peoples in North America. In this regard, Anishinaabe art is a microcosm of the macrocosm of Native American art. In Minnesota, the oldest forms of the Anishinaabeg art are found on rock faces in the Boundary Waters Canoe Area and Lake Superior National Forest and extend into Quetico Provincial Park in Canada. Dating ranges from 1000-1500 AD. Pictographs are defined as images painted or etched on rock. However, Anishinaabe writer Gerald Vizenor provides a more expressive, worldview definition – pictomyth: the believable Anishinaabe pictures of myths or believable Anishinaabe myths of pictures.[4] Vizenor’s definition correlates to A. Irving Hallowell’s study of Anishinaabe people and “other than human persons” and the relationship to stories: “Ojibwa myths are considered to be true stories, not fiction.”[5] In this view, pictomyths are the representation of the imagery of dreams and visions that formed the basis of origin stories. Pictomyths are true in the sense they are not fanciful representations of tribal myths; rather, they represent the reality and experiences of the artist in the real world. The individual aesthetics of painted rock imagery was more focused on content than form. But the forms were interrelated to a group aesthetics as evidenced by the pictomyths etched on birch bark scrolls. The differentiation between the two was media, medium, and technique. The rock pictomyths were painted with red ochres composed of iron-stained earths. According to Northern Anishinaabe artist Norval Morrisseau, the red earths used for paint resulted from a battle between two thunderbirds. The blood from the battle rained upon the earth turning the sands red. This particular sand was, in the Anishinabe language, called onaman.[6] The binding agent for onaman was fish glues or egg fluid, or bear grease. Although brushes with moose hair bristles were employed, many pictomyths were painted by finger. Selwyn Dewdney writes: “[T]he artist’s preference [was] for a vertical rock face close to the water. The sites themselves show a bewildering variety of locations…there are groups of obviously related material that form compact, well-designed compositions…[and] instances where the natural flaws of the surface are incorporated into the whole concept.”[7] Dewdney categorized pictomyths into several groups: animal, birds, mythological creatures, hands, other human subject matter, man-made objects, and, the largest group, unidentified abstract symbols. Overall, the rock pictomyths focused on the relationship between humans and the aadisookaanag, i.e., other than human persons: the Four Winds, Sun, Moon, Thunderbirds, “owners” or “masters” of species of plants and animals and the characters in myths – collectively spoken of as “our grandfathers” or ancestors.[8] Like the individual aesthetics with its focus on content rather than form on rock pictomyths, the development of birch bark pictomyths expressed a group aesthetics that was cultural in form yet emphasized content. Birch bark pictomyths were a cultural mode of communicating and recording history, migration, ceremonies, traditions, stories, and songs. Hence, Anishinaabe art, in its earliest forms, was a means of communication. The form itself conveyed the message. However, the imagery of the form expressed a group aesthetic. That is to say, the designs were specifically Anishinaabe and the use of these designs extended beyond birch bark pictomyths and were used by the tribal whole. Wooden spoons, ladles, and bowls, birch bark containers, woven reed mats, yarn bags and sashes, moccasins and clothing were decorated with pictomyths. As such, Anishinaabe images had a decorative, i.e., aesthetic, intent and the creation of such imagery was largely the work of women. The techniques varied greatly. Etchings on wood, plaiting on wicker baskets, drawing and cutouts on birch bark baskets. The imagery reflected the aesthetics of the rock paintings and birch bark scrolls. Art by men was largely confined to carving and sculpturing. This included wooden spoons, ladles, bowls, cradleboards, war clubs and pipes. The sculpturing on pipes, war clubs, and figurines were three-dimensional human and animals figures based on pictomyth imagery. The main form of expressive art was through quillwork and, to a lesser extent, animal hairs. Dyes were obtained from barks, roots, leaves, flowers, and berries and used to color quills and animal hairs, including various fibers. Geometric quilled images depicted the individual’s clan affiliation and dream symbols. Abstracted motifs of animals, flowers, insects, and leaves were common in quillwork. Quillwork tended toward abstraction because of the rigidly of the quills. However, Carrie Lyford noted: “The Ojibwa introduced the curvilinear pattern into the western region adopting and embellishing it to their fancy.”[9] From the curvilinear pattern, Anishinaabe artists developed a symmetrical double curve motif that curved out from a central point. The opposing curves were decorated with leaves, buds, and flowers that were also arranged symmetrically. With the introduction of the fur trade, broadcloth, blankets, yarns, ribbon, and beads provided new media and mediums to express group and individual aesthetics. Lois Jacka writes: “As skills were passed down through the ages, new materials became available, new techniques developed, and each succeeding generation contributed its own interpretations and innovations.”[12] Bands on woven bags featured diamonds, hour glasses, zigzags, and hexagons. Narrow bands included thunderbirds, underground panthers, deer, butterflies, dragonflies, and otter tracks. Lyford writes: “The Ojibwa laboriously frayed out woolen blankets…respun the wool, and redyed it…Native dyes were used to color the commercial yarns…later, colored commercial twine and yarns and commercial dyes were introduced.”[10] Ribbons in bright colors were used in appliqué border designs with various geometric motifs. Graceful curvilinear floral patterns were later developed and used as borders on robes, leggings, and breechcloths, on binding bands of cradle boards, and on the cuffs and front pieces of moccasins.[11] Like the double curve of the pre-contact period, floral designs were arranged symmetrically in appliqué work. The most significant media introduced to Anishinaabe artists in the contact era was trade beads. Whereas quillwork was the media for the depiction of group aesthetics in the pre-contact period, beads all but replaced quills as the new media. This new media provided for a fuller expression of individual aesthetics for Anishinaabe artists. Two techniques were employed in the application of beadwork. Bead weaving was done on a loom and bead embroidery was applied directly on broadcloth or velvet. On breechcloths, the design was symmetrical. On leggings, the pattern was asymmetrical, although the design on the left leg matched the design on the right leg. On vests, the front panels followed the same pattern as leggings. The asymmetrical pattern on the left side matched the pattern on the right side. On the back of the vest, the pattern was symmetrical. The most elaborate beadwork was the ceremonial (bandolier) bags worn by men. The large beadwork front piece panel and strap panels were woven on looms or embroidered on fabric. The patterns on the panels were usually asymmetrical and featured floral motifs or geometrical motifs. Making bandolier bags was the providence of Anishinaabe women. In the post-contact era, the impact of reservations and boarding schools led to a diminishment of tribal art. Ethnocide, linguicide, historical trauma/intergenerational trauma, and the imposition of Christian values and incorporation of Euro-American political structures affected all levels of Anishinaabe life. In art, the vitality of group and individual aesthetics became limited to the Anishinaabewishimo, i.e., the powwow. Many of the Bwaanzhiiwi`onan (dance outfits) worn by dancers maintained floral patterns and designs passed down generationally to families. Additionally, beaded items were sold through the tourist market. Such items were bought by collectors and museums. It was during this later period that “new materials became available [and] new techniques developed” [12] and opened a new area of expression in Anishinaabe art – the visual arts. The works of Patrick Robert DesJarlait (1921-1972) and George Morrison (1919-2000) created an alternative modernism and embodied deeply felt connections to the specific geography of northern Minnesota and to their identities as Anishinaabe artists.[13] Bill Anthes writes: “DesJarlait and Morrison maintained powerful connections to Red Lake and Grand Portage, where their people had lived for generations…their modern lives led DesJarlait and Morrison away from their reservations to discover their artistic vision in the larger world – their traditional homelands became in their art an essential resource for both artists.”[14] Visual arts itself is a misleading term since such art extends beyond the paintings of DesJarlait and Morrison, and the Woodland Art Movement established by Norval Morrisseau. Anishinaabe visual arts includes the contemporary work of artists whose media and aesthetics focuses on quillwork, beadwork, and appliqué work. These artists provide continuity to the aesthetics and motifs connected to the past, and have revitalized Woodland styles in clothing and accoutrements. In this regard, Anishinaabe art is worn and expresses the cultural identity of the wearer. The main connection between contemporary Anishinaabe artists of today is, obviously, their Anishinaabe descendency. Their art expresses their heritage and history. As such, their art conveys an evolving individual aesthetic that is rooted in the art of the traditional past. Works Cited
© All Rights Reserved, Robert DesJarlait, 2017
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By Robert DesJarlait Introduction Today, there are several popular intertribal dances at the powwow, each with their own style of dance, style of outfit, and specific songs with each category. For men, the categories include Men’s Traditional, Grass Dance, and Fancy Dance; for women, Women’s Traditional, Jingle Dress, and Fancy Shawl. A new category of dance for men is the Chicken Dance. Many young people know very little about where these dances originated. For example, the Chicken Dance is usually attributed to the Crow. For the Crow, it was, and still is, a sacred dance. But in recent years, it has evolved into a popular intertribal dance category. The Bwaasiniimidin[1] (Grass Dance) has been around for many years. It is a pan-Indian dance category that is performed as contest and traditional powwows. Both the Men’s Traditional and Grass dance categories can trace their origins to a single source – the Omaha and Ponca Hethushka societies in the southern Plains. This short essay is an attempt to tell a history of Bwaasiniimidin and its dispersion among the Anishinaabeg. I’ve chosen to use the term - Bwaasiniimidin – as given by Michael A. Rynkiewich in his study, Chippewa Powwows. I War Dance and Warrior Traditions of the Anishinaabeg There are several origin stories for the Bwaasiniimidin. In one version, it is said that dancers would go out early in the morning and dance on the grass, creating a flattened area for the community powwow to be held later in the day. In another version, the yarn worn by grass dancers is said to represent grass swaying in the wind. These are stories shared by many tribes, including the Anishinaabeg. Powwow MC’s often recite the stories when introducing the grass dance category. But the origins of the Bwaasiniimidin go back to a time when there were significant changes occurring in tribal social structures. The changes in southern Plains warrior societies would affect similar warrior structures in northern tribes. A commonality shared among many North American warrior groups was the War Dance and Scalp Dance. Among the Anishinaabeg, war dances “were held every night from the time of the assembling of the warriors to their departure. At these dances the leading warriors related their deeds of valor, enacted former exploits, and sang their personal war songs.”[2] Upon their return, the warriors celebrated their victories in the scalp dance. The scalps “were presented to wives or mothers of men who had been killed by the enemy…the scalps were put in hoops set on poles.”[3] The women would dance with the scalp hoops in the scalp dance, although the warrior(s) who captured the scalp would dance with it to recount his exploit in a victory dance. Chippewa Scalp Dance, Paul Rindisbacher, 1826 Anishinaabeg warriors who displayed bravery and prowess in battle were honored with specific feathers and war badges, which, in turn, became a part of their regalia worn in war dances. Notched feathers indicated the killing and scalping of an enemy warrior; Unnotched feathers designated warriors who had scalped enemy warriors who had been killed by other warriors. Feathers were also awarded to warriors who had assisted in the scalping. Dots of rabbit fur indicated the number of bullets the warrior had in his gun at the time of the scalping.[4] Certain insignia were awarded to warriors who had touched the enemy. Skunk skins and fur were worn on arm badges or on the legs to indicate the manner of touching the enemy. Spiritual helpers protected Anishinaabeg warriors. These spiritual helpers were painted on their war drums, etched on war clubs, beaded, quillled or painted on their personal weaponry. Animals also provided protection for warriors. Weasels were worn on shirts because weasels were considered to be hunters and warriors. Kingfishers were worn around the neck because the kingfisher harassed stronger and larger birds than them, and when larger birds approached them, the kingfisher would rush out and meet them. If a kingfisher skin wasn’t available, one was made out of cloth and medicine was placed inside it. [5] Eagle feathers awarded to Anishinaabe Ogichidaag for war exploits, Bureau of American Ethnology Ogichidaa war badge, Bureau of American Ethnology Anishinaabe war club and warrior’s hand drum, Bureau of American Ethnology Ogichidaa war charm, Bureau of American Ethnology Ogichidaa war shirt with weasel skins, Bureau of American Ethnology Both the war dance and the scalp dance were non-secular dances – they weren’t social dances. However, changes began in the late 1840s and early 1850s that would bring the non-secular dances into the social dance. This new social dance complex – called the powwow – has its beginnings in the southern Plains. II The Hethushka The Anishinaabe warrior complex was not as highly structured as the Plains warrior societies. Anishinaabe war leaders were “distinguished for sound judgement and steadiness of purpose.”[6] The war leader had four men who assisted him; these men were called Oshkaabewisag. War ceremonies were performed on the four days preceding the departure of a war expedition. During these ceremonies, war dances were performed and war songs were sung. Plains warrior societies were structured along the lines of a military organization. Because warfare – with enemy tribes and the U.S. military – was a constant factor in the lives of Plains tribes, efficient warrior societies were developed to respond to threats to the tribe and villages. Plains warrior societies were highly organized with a hierarchy of officials who had specific roles and functions within the societies. Ceremonies were elaborate and complex. One of the distinguishing features of these societies were the four officers who wore crow belts – “feather bustles symbolizing crows flocking over a battlefield.”[7] The diminishment of warfare and the establishment of reservations ended the need for warrior societies. However, since warrior societies were such an integral part of Plains tribal life, the societies adapted to changes and developed into drum and dance societies. One of the most prominent and influential dance societies was the Hethushka of the Omaha and Ponca. “By the mid-1880s, the Hethushka developed as a secular version of the war dance…each [society had] their own songs, singers, and dancers. Hethushka dancers wore their warrior regalia, including roaches, scalps of opponents, and feather belts or bustles…as the dance became non-secularized, eagle feathers replaced crow feathers and braided sweetgrass replaced scalps.”[8] The dance spread throughout the Plains through barter and exchange. Various names were given to the dance – Hot Dance, Chicken Dance, Crow Dance. The most popular term was the War Dance. The regalia for war dancers not only included a bustle on the backside, but also small bustles were often worn on the arms. This would eventually develop into the Fancy Dance or Fancy Feather Dance. Among Oklahoma tribes, the dance developed into the Southern Straight Dance. The most distinguishing feature of Southern Straight dancers was the absence of the bustle. This was because the U.S. government mandated the dancers to turn in their bustles because the government believed the use of feathers from dead birds would spread disease. The bustles were put into piles and burned.[9] The dance spread northward to northern Plains tribes and Woodland tribes. “Even though the particular traits accepted by each tribe varied, each ceremonial association being organized differently, the theme of war as well as a particular type of drumming, singing, and dancing persisted as common traits.”[10] The Lakota/Dakota called it the Omaha Dance, in reference to its point of origin, or the Grass Dance, in reference to the braided sweetgrass that had replaced scalps. Northern Plains dancers who had adapted the dance incorporated their own warrior regalia. From the time of its inception among the northern Plains in the 1870s to the early 1900s, there were no particular regalia that distinguished northern Plains grass dancers. There is no clear, distinguishable point when the northern style grass dance separated into two specific dance styles. Judging from photographs, the best estimate is the separation occurred in the 1930s-1940s. The grass dance formally developed into a style dance in which the regalia emphasized the war shirt. The weasel skins formerly worn on war shirts were replaced with yarn; yarn was also used on the dancer’s leggings. Bustled grass dancers who maintain the wearing of eagle feather bustles were invariably referred to as War Dancers. By the 1960s, this term would be replaced with the dance style that it is known by today – Men’s Traditional Dance. Hidatsa grass dancers, Edward Goodbird, 1914 III Development of the Bwaasiniimidin among the Anishinaabe The dispersion of the Bwaasiniimidin among the Anishinaabe occurred at Red Lake in the 1860s. The dance was given the Red Lake Anishinaabe as a gift to establish peace between the Dakota and Ojibwe. Thereafter, powwows became an integral part of Red Lake life with annual powwows at the town of Red Lake and Obaashing (Ponemah). Red Lakers referred to the dance as the Sioux Dance, in reference to the tribe from whom they had obtained the dance. Upon the acceptance of the dance, the Red Lake band had the right to pass the dance to other Anishinaabe bands. Photographs from the early 1900s reveal that Ojibwe powwows incorporated older dance forms while integrating newer dance forms. There was an integration of the Woman's Dance (which would later develop into the Two-Step) and the Round Dance. These two dances were the original social dances of the Anishinaabeg. In general, men and women danced together at dance gatherings. Women danced in their ziibaaska`iganagoodayan (jingle dresses). Men, on the other hand, chose one of two different dance styles and the regalia associated with those styles. There was the War Dance regalia and dance associated with the Bwaasiniimidin, i.e., the "modern" form of the war dance. Other men chose to wear regalia associated with the Nandobaniishimowin. This was the traditional war dance complex that long preceded the Bwaasiniimidin. The regalia itself replaced the original medium of quillwork and incorporated the newly emerging medium of beads. Hence, men wore vests/yokes, leggings, aprons, and bandolier bags marked by Woodland floral motifs and designs. By the late 1920s-early 1930s, a more formal category developed - the men's grass dance with its attendant regalia that we associate the grass dance with today. War Dance at Obaashing, 1910, Minnesota Historical Society Scalp Dance at White Earth, 1910 Minnesota Historical Society Another dance in which both men and women participated in was the secular scalp dance. The dance was performed at Red Lake and White Earth powwows in the early 1900s. However, reservation authorities, under BIA policies, eventually banned the dance because of its association with war. Like their northern Plains neighbors, dancers wore bustled or non-bustle regalia. The wearing of bustles, or eagle feather belts, predates the incorporation of the Bwaasiniimidin in Anishinaabe dance culture. A drawing by George Catlin clearly depicts Anishinaabe warriors wearing feathered bustles. The drawing is from a dance exhibit performed by the Anishinaabe for the Queen of England in 1856, an event that Catlin arranged and attended. Ojibwe performing before Queen Victoria in London 1843, George Catlin The regalia of non-bustled Anishinaabe grass dancers were particularly distinguishable by the back breechcloth. These breechcloths were covered with chevron strips of various colors. Dancers also wore colored feather fluffs attached to their sleeves, chest, and their trousers. In addition, they wore two long beaded bands that hung over their shoulders and down the front of their shirts. This particular style of regalia became extremely popular among Red Lake dancers. Another important change in dancing in the 1930s and 1940s was the merging of the various styles of dance. Grass dancers, war dancers, and jingle dress danced together. To this extent, the powwow, as it was termed, became a new kind of social dance among the Anishinaabeg. The 1950s and early 1960s saw another significant change in grass dance regalia. This was the use of yarn. According to Louie Boyd, a renowned grass dancer, it is a fable that the yarn of a grass dancer’s outfit represents grass. “Grass dancers represent warriors. [Traditional] fringed war shirt and leggings form the basis of the grass dance outfit.”[11] The emergence of the contest powwow brought changes to the grass dance. Today, there are two categories for the grass dance – contemporary grass dance and old style grass dance. According to Boyd, “Old style is slow and delivered. You go through maybe twenty beats of the drum to deliver movement on each side. You move your shoulders first, and then bring the movement down to your foot. Then you repeat the movements with the other side of your body. In the new style grass dance, everything is fast…the main difference between old and new is simplicity and complexity. Old style is simple, slow controlled movement. New style is fast, with complex foot and hip movements.”[12] Two old style grass dancers: Louie Boyd (Leech Lake Anishinaabe) and Johnny Smith (Red Lake Anishinaabe - Photo by Joe Marcel Thunder) Conclusion “The grass dance represents continuity and change in the powwow.”[13] The continuity of the grass dance can be seen in its regalia. The old war shirts fringed with weasel skins that were worn by Anishinaabe warriors can be seen in the yarn of modern-day grass dancers. The regalia worn today connects us to our past. But there have also been changes. grass dance outfits – especially those of contest dancers – have become more colorful and elaborate. For some dancers, ribbons have replaced yarn. And the new style of grass dance that Louie Boyd talks about is much more different than the old style of dancing. Although the new style became popular in the 1990s and basically overtook the old style, the old style dancers continued to dance their slow and controlled movements. Their forbearance paid off. Today the old style grass dance is recognized as a separate category at contest powwows. And it is the old style that represents the spirit of Bwaasiniimidin The fables and misconceptions of the origins of the grass dance have diminished its history. But there are those Anishinaabe grass dancers, who are elders now, who remember its history and who help to remember that history. Through them, the grass dance provides us with a look into our past and helps to reaffirm our identities as Anishinaabe people. Works Cited:
© 2017, All Rights Reserved, Robert DesJarlait
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