The Contest Powwow versus the Traditional Powwow and the Role of the Native American Community7/26/2019 By Robert DesJarlait Note: Originally published: WICAZŌ SA REVIEW: A Journal of Native American Studies, Spring 1997, VOL 12 NO 1, The Association for American Indian Research, University of Minnesota Press The Powwow. We are all familiar with it. We grow up with it, and we participate in it as dancers or singers or spectators. For many of us, it is one of the constants in our lives as Ojibwe-Anishinaabe people - from the time we enter the Land of the Living to the time we return homeward to the Spirit World. It connects us to our ancestors, for whom dance was the expression of their soul-spirits made visible and whose traditions teach us that dance extends beyond one's life to the Spirit World, where the chee-jauk (soul-spirits) of all our relatives are made visible by the shimmering lights of their auras as they dance in the northern night skies. Indeed, the stories of our elders tell us that our very creation as Ojibwe-Anishinaabe people is rooted in dance. The dance circle with dancers in feathers, fur, and regalia dancing to olden drum songs is ancient, and it is a commonality that we share with many other tribal nations, including indigenous people worldwide. Through dance we maintain a fundamental part of our connection to our Mother Earth. And whether we are dancers or singers or spectators, when the powwow ends, we walk away from it with a profound sense of well-being. Our hearts have been touched by the dancers, and our souls have been touched by the singers. We have met old friends and made new friends. And we have witnessed and participated in the living traditions of our ancestors. We feel good about who we are and where we came from. Whether we dance, sing, or watch, the powwow makes us proud to be Native American. Among the Southwestern Ojibwe-Anishinaabe of Minnesota and Wisconsin, a powwow is not, however, simply a powwow. It is either a traditional powwow or a contest powwow. In one, we dance socially; in the other, we compete for prize money. For some people, the difference between the two is the same as day from night. The traditional powwow, the powwow that most of us forty- and fifty-somethings grew up with in northern Minnesota, is a community-based, intercultural event primarily composed of local residents and dancers/singers from nearby Ojibwe-Anishinaabe communities. Although OjibweAnishinaabe dancers, singers, and spectators predominate, traditional powwows are also intertribal in that they are open to all dancers, regardless of tribal affiliation. The dance traditions and customs practiced at a traditional powwow are those associated with Ojibwe-Anishinaabe culture. On the other hand, the contest powwow is a community-sponsored, intertribal event predominated by nontribal (i.e., non-Ojibwe) dancers and singers. The dance traditions of contest powwows are those most often associated with Plains cultures. Since its inception in the early 1960s, the contest powwow has effectuated many changes in the dance traditions and infrastructure of the traditional powwow. The Grand Entry dance and Retreat dance are two of the changes. Some changes have provoked controversy within the community. One of the main issues centers on the use of intertribal dance traditions, for example, the Picking-Up-The-Feather dance or the use of eagle bone and wood dance whistles. Although the traditional powwow and the contest powwow are generally perceived to be a part of the same thing - that is, a community dance event with the same attendant dance categories- there is a segment of the community, composed of dancers, singers, and spectators, who draw a distinct line between the two. For many of these people, the opposition to the contest powwow is based on their conviction that the contest powwow undervalues Ojibwe-Anishinaabe dance traditions in the traditional dance circle. Go to almost any Ojibwe-Anishinaabe traditional powwow today and you hear displeasure voiced on how a dropped eagle feather was picked up or how eagle whistles were used. The sentiments of powwow critics are foreshadowed in the words of Ben Black Bear Sr.: "Now in our present lifestyle the people are all alike (similar). So half of the people do not enjoy themselves. Because so many regulations have been made, people cannot have a good time. The people want to enjoy themselves, but cannot. So be it."[1] Black Bear was speaking here, nearly twenty years ago, of the effects wrought by contest dancing in the traditional powwow of the Lakota in the 1970s. At that time, Black Bear was already an elder, an old veteran singer with a traditional Lakota drum group. He was caught between changes as the contest powwow, with its newer dance regalia, newer dance styles, and newer music, began to all but replace the old "good time" traditional powwows, the wacipi, of the Oyate (Lakota/ Dakota/Nakota) people. Yet, despite these great changes, Black Bear perceived competition dance to be a natural outgrowth of the powwow itself. As a singer, contest dance opened new paths for his songs; as a dancer, competition dance opened the way to several championships. Black Bear, however, stressed the importance of knowing one's tribal dance history. With the integration of intertribal traditions in Lakota dance, dance history was vital. Clearly, Black Bear's message was that only by knowing our dance histories are we able to discern the differences, similarities, and relationships of intercultural and intertribal dance traditions. Powwow 101 is, unfortunately, not taught in schools. For most us, what we know about the powwow is based on what we learn while we are at the powwow. Powwow history is essentially an oral history with emcees, veteran dancers, and elders providing the role of narrators. Therefore, what we learn is what we hear. And unless one goes to a lot of powwows, powwow history is, for a majority of spectators, disjointed and confused. The average spectator who goes to one or two powwows a year knows very little of the overall history of dance among his or her own people. What was Ojibwe-Anishinaabe dance like fifty years ago? What was it like a hundred years ago? two hundred years ago? two thousand years ago? Certainly, this lack of general history has resulted in some of the misunderstandings of the powwow today. Let us look briefly then at a history of Ojibwe-Anishinaabe dance and the powwow. Social dance among the Ojibwe-Anishinaabe dates back to the time when the Ojibwe were a part of the Anishinaabe (Woodland) nation and lived on the shores of the Great Salt Waters (the Atlantic Ocean). Dance had always been a vital societal function in Anishinaabe society. Dance sustained and imbued the individual with tribal identity and personal meaning. Anishinaabe dance heritage was an elemental one, one that reached back to the dawn of humankind when Anishinaaba (Original Man), who could not walk or crawl, took his first two steps with his right foot, one harsh, one soft, on Mother Earth. This became the dance step used for Anishinaabe social dance. It is the dance step that is used by today's male traditional dancers. Many Anishinaabe dances of this early period were individual dances received in dream visions; other dances recounted events, deeds, and exploits. Dance was one of the ways that history, beliefs, and customs were handed down to succeeding generations. At that time, the social dance of the Woodland people was called Anishinaabewishimowin. After the Great Migration and the subsequent development of the Ojibwe nation, dance continued to be an integral part of Ojibwe social life. Pre-conquest Ojibwe social dance was called niimiwin. At niimiwin, everyone danced. The people wore their finest clothing and danced to the beat of hand-drums. Niimiwin was a part of the large, month-long, intercultural social gatherings held in the spring - during the sturgeon run- and in the autumn -during the whitefish run. At these gatherings, neighboring Ojibwe communities came to socialize, exchange dances and songs, play games, and barter for arts, crafts, foodstuffs, and materials. In addition to niimiwin, there were also many ceremonial and societal dances that included participation by members of the community. Ceremonial and societal dances provided strength and backbone to the O-do-i-daym (clan system) since participation focused on one's clan affiliation. With the establishment of reservations, niimiwin shifted from seasonal sites to reservation communities. Each community had its own dance circle, where social dances were held during the spring, summer, and fall. Some reservation communities built round dance halls for winter dancing. Dance outfits at reservation niimiwin featured elaborately beaded floral designs on leggings, breechcloths, and bandolier bags for men and on dresses for women. The development of the powwow from 1890 to 1910 marked a changeover period, in which Ojibwe-Anishinaabe social dance made the transition from the traditional pre-conquest period to the modern era, albeit with changes. The older form of social dance, niimiwin, was replaced by a newer form of social dance, the powwow. Powwows were different in that certain dances, with their attendant regalia and dance styles, evolved into dance categories. In other words, dancers wore outfits specific to a particular kind of dance style. This included men's and women's traditional (not to be confused with the contemporary men's and women's traditional categories), jingle dress, war dance, and grass dance. Some of these dance categories were from outside Ojibwe-Anishinaabe culture. Most importantly, this evolving categorization of dances accentuated the shift of social dance from community involvement to individual involvement. This change was apparent by the attendance of Native spectators who lived in the host community. The origin of the powwow is traced back to the Hethushka that developed among Omaha and Ponca warrior societies. Boyd Ladd says, "the powwow dance goes back to a period of 400 years ago to four Omaha warriors. They performed a war dance in celebration of their success, a celebration of their good fortune. . . a dance based in pride."[2] The war dance itself was common among a majority of tribes in the central and northeastern regions of Turtle Island, including the Ojibwe-Anishinaabe. By the early 1800s, the Hethushka dance developed as a nonsecular version of the war dance. The Hethushka were basically drum and dance societies, each with their own songs, singers, and dancers. Hethushka dancers wore their warrior regalia, including roaches, scalps of opponents, and feather belts or bustles. These belts were originally called "crow belts" in reference to the bustle of crow feathers that was worn on the backside. As the dance became secularized, eagle feathers replaced crow feathers, and braided sweetgrass replaced scalps. The most significant change introduced by the Hethushka was the use of large dance drums. Before the advent of the powwow, drums commonly used for social dance were hand-drums. The big drums introduced by the Hethushka significantly altered the course of dance music. The big drums allowed for more singers to participate, thereby changing the tempo, the beat, and the rhythm of dance songs. A new dance evolved from this change in dance music, and spread northward into the central and northern Plains and thence eastward into the northern Great lakes region, in particular southern Ontario. Southern Lakota called this dance the Omaha Dance in reference to its point of origin; northern Lakota called it peji wacipi - the grass dance - in reference to the braided sweetgrass. The latter term became the popular term for these dancers. In other words, those dancers that we call traditional dancers today were originally called grass dancers. In the late 1880s to 1890s, the term grass dancer was replaced with war dancer. This was to distinguish between the newly developing northern grass dance with its faster dance style and distinguishable dance outfit and the dancers who wore eagle feather bustles. Among the Southwestern Ojibwe-Anishinaabe of Minnesota and Wisconsin, the big dance drums were introduced through a related, yet much different source. This was through the gift of the Dream Drum Dance ceremony that was founded on the spiritual vision of a Dakota woman. In Ojibwe-Anishinaabe language she is called Wanaikwe (Tailfeather Woman). In her vision, the Great Spirit taught Wanaikwe about a special drum called the Dream Dance Drum, and the ceremony and songs that were part of the drum. She was instructed on how to build the drum and the objects and items that accompanied it, including four eagle feather belts. To fulfill her vision, Wanaikwe was required to pass the drum and its attendant items to the Ojibwe people. In compliance with the instructions given, Wanaikwe journeyed east and passed the gift of the Dream Drum Dance to the Ojibwe-Anishinaabe. Throughout the woodlands of north-central Minnesota, the Dream Drum ceremony passed from community to community, into central Minnesota and thence eastward to Wisconsin. Each drum had a drum keeper, male singers, a female chorus, and four eagle feather belt dancers. At that time, these drums and eagle feather belts were used only at gatherings of the Dream Drum ceremony. By the mid-1870s, these drums began to be used at social dances, albeit minus the ceremonial songs, dances, and regalia that went with them. Although the Dream Dance drums would effectuate changes in Ojibwe-Anishinaabe social dance that would lead to the evolvement of the powwow, another pivotal factor emerged among the Red Lake Ojibwe-Anishinaabe in the 1880s. The large drums used for the northern grass dance, with its attendant songs, were brought to Red Lake by the Dakota from North Dakota as a means of establishing relationships between the two tribes. With the diminishment of the Dream Drum ceremony in the early 1900s, eagle feather belts and bustles became secularized, thereby allowing for the development of the war dancer classification for Ojibwe dancers. By the late 1960s, largely as a result of the emergence of the contest powwow, the term war dancer was replaced with the term that we use today - traditional dancer. As for the drum ceremony itself, it continues today. Often referred to as the Big Drum ceremony, these gatherings are held in the spring on reservations throughout the Land of the Ojibwe. Many elders regard the Big Drum ceremony as being the true representative of social dance among the Ojibwe people. The contest powwow is generally regarded to have begun in Oklahoma in the mid-1800s, where it developed as a draw for tourists. However, competition in dance-dancers trying to outdo each other or the singers was centuries old among many tribal nations, including the Ojibwe-Anishinaabe and the Oyate nations. The 1950s and early 1960s were the formative years of the modern contest powwow in which the organizational aspects were influenced by the rodeo; the elimination point system, exhibition, day money, grand entry, and retreat are but a few examples. The contest powwow - a powwow that focused entirely on competition for prize money - was something new. The result effectuated at least three major changes in Oyate social dance. The first was that Northern Plains clothing styles predominated, particularly in the men's traditional and grass dance categories. Second, regulations, drawn largely from intertribal traditions, led to powwows, both traditional and contest, becoming formalized events. Lastly, contest powwows became more popular and in many areas replaced traditional powwows. Among the Southwestern Ojibwe-Anishinaabe, the contest powwow developed during the same period, although the changes were not as dramatic. The traditional powwow continued, and continues, to predominate. One of main issues of the contest powwow versus the traditional powwow is the use of intertribal traditions. At many traditional powwows today, intertribal traditions associated with contest powwows are often applied, for example, the Picking-Up-The-Feather dance. Dance traditions that were once tribally specific have become intertribal traditions that are shared by those dancers within their specific dance categories. Men's traditional dancers and jingle dress dancers, for example, have specific responsibilities in regard to their dance category. Thus, it is the dancer's category that often determines the manner of a particular tradition used in the dance circle, for example, the Picking-Up-The-Feather Dance. Obviously, these intertribal traditions often conflict with a host community's customs and traditions. For example, whistle men welcomed in one Ojibwe community may not be welcomed in another Ojibwe community thirty miles away, because some traditions and ceremonies differ between the Ojibwe-Anishinaabe communities themselves. To some critics, Plains dance traditions like whistle dances and feather-pick-up dances seem to predominate and, thus, eclipse Woodland traditions; however, the main distinguishing point is that it is the dancer's choice. And the dancer's choice is dictated by their dance category. This does not mean that the dancer is free to do as he or she chooses. The dancer has an obligation to respect the standards and customs of the host community. Two practices that have been the focus of the controversy are the Picking-Up-The-Feather Dance and the use of eagle bone and wood dance whistles. The former is a dance tradition that began with Omaha dancers, was passed on to war dancers, and was handed down to today's male traditional dancers; the latter is a tradition associated with both the Ojibwe-Anishinaabe people and the Oyate people, although their use of eagle bone and wood dance whistles differs. The Picking-Up-The-Feather Dance occurs when a male dancer has dropped an eagle feather. A spiritual advisor or arena director officiates and chooses four traditional or veteran dancers to dance around the fallen feather. The feather is retrieved, and it is either returned to the dancer or given to the lead dancer who picked it up. Usually, the fate of the feather is at the discretion of the lead dancer. The dancer who dropped the feather often honors the four veterans and the drum by offering monetary and/or tobacco gifts for the dance and the special feather pick-up song, although he is not required to do so. This manner of picking up a feather became an intertribal tradition with the introduction of contest dancing in the early 1960s. A variant of the origin of this dance relates the story of a war party of four warriors who journeyed deep into enemy territory, found a village that was far too strong, were discovered by scouts, and after a harried chase, safely reached their border. That night, one of the warriors discovered his eagle feather was missing, apparently left behind near the enemy village. The four returned there, found the feather, and were captured by hidden foes. They were bound, and as they were led to the village, they sang their death songs for they expected to be put to death. However, upon reaching the village, they were unbound, and a feast was held in honor for their bravery in returning to retrieve the fallen feather. They returned home, laden with provisions and gifts, with peace established between the two communities. There is also an Ojibwe-Anishinaabe variant existent among the Ojibwe-Anishinaabe in Wisconsin. In this variant, four Ojibwe-Anishinaabe warriors on the war road engaged in combat with enemy warriors. One of the Ojibwe-Anishinaabe warriors was killed; the remaining three warriors escaped and left the body of their comrade behind. Returning to their village, they were admonished by their elders for leaving their warrior brother behind. Said the elders, "When you left there were four of you but now there are only three of you. Where is your brother?" After choosing a new warrior to accompany them, the four returned and retrieved the body of the fallen warrior. According to this variant, a dropped feather symbolizes the warrior who fell. Although this Ojibwe-Anishinaabe variant of the Picking-Up-The-Feather Dance exists, is it descended from Omaha traditions? In much the same manner as the Dream Drum, which came from outside Ojibwe-Anishinaabe culture, did the Omaha feather-pick-up at some early point become part of Ojibwe-Anishinaabe dance culture? Or is it part of an earlier tradition that existed when the war dance, though common, was a tribally specific dance, long before the secular version that arose on the Southern Plains? For many people, one of the problems with tribal traditions is the variants that differ from community to community and from tribe to tribe. On many Ojibwe-Anishinaabe reservations, many origin stories of traditions are connected to the local habitat and environment. Thus, who began what where and when can be very confusing. For example, the origin of the jingle dress is attributed to the Mille Lacs Ojibwe, the Red Lake Ojibwe, and the White Fish Bay Ojibwe (Ontario). Elders, however, say that rather than confusion, there should be understanding. They say that what is important is that these things began somewhere and they are now expressed through our culture. In the case of the Picking-Up-The-Feather Dance, the commonality of all the variants is that four warriors did something somewhere. And today we honor this in the dance circle. Traditionally among the Ojibwe-Anishinaabe, the most common custom for picking up a feather was to choose an elder. This elder offered prayer and tobacco to the Four Directions, Grandfather Sun, and Mother Earth. The feather was picked up and returned to the dancer. This is the manner in which feathers were picked up before the advent of contest dancing. It is still used today. At some traditional powwows, the kind of feather often determines the manner in which it will be retrieved. For example, a tail feather or primary wing feather will certainly be picked up by four veterans; on the other hand, a small body feather will be picked up by an elder or a chosen dancer. Gender also plays a role: a female dancer who drops a feather will often choose a woman to retrieve her feather. To some traditional proponents, any fallen eagle feather, regardless of size, should be picked up in the traditional manner rather than In what they perceive as the intertribal manner, that is, by four veterans. Regardless of the variants or opinions, when four of us are chosen, it is in honor of the deed of those four warriors that we dance the Picking-Up-The-Feather Dance. To many who dance in the men's traditional category, it is not that important who began what when. We know in our hearts why we are dancing. Ultimately, what is important is that we have this beautiful and meaningful manner to retrieve a fallen eagle feather. The use of eagle bone or wood dance whistles is a much more complex, controversial issue. There are several variants as to their use, and what is proper conduct in one Ojibwe-Anishinaabe community may be considered improper in another Ojibwe-Anishinaabe community. In many Ojibwe-Anishinaabe communities eagle bone whistles are used only in the Midewiwin Lodge, in particular, in healing ceremonies. Therefore, their use at traditional powwows is seen as improper. In Lakota dance tradition, there are special whistles called "dancer whistles." These whistles, made from wood, are usually the kind of whistles that we hear at the powwow. Although wood whistles usually associated with grass dancers through the grass dance society, whistles are used by grass dancers and fancy dancers as well. Eagle bone and wood dance whistles are very special and very sacred. A dancer-veteran or non-veteran must earn the privilege to carry and use these whistles in the dance circle. Yet, controversy over whistle use prevails in many Ojibwe communities. In some of these communities, the issue is not whistle use per se but rather who is using the whistle, because in these communities only whistles carried by veterans are recognized. To resolve the problem of whistle use, whistle men usually consult with the resident whistle man or arena director of a host community to obtain permission to use their whistles. The issue of integration of intertribal traditions is not limited to the Ojibwe-Anishinaabe powwow. Pan-Indianism is a term long associated with the powwow. The powwow was, and still is, identified as the main representation of Pan-Indianism. The westernized term is used by anthropologists, ethnologists, and historians to describe an aspect of racial awareness in contemporary Native America. The implication of this term is that Native Americans are becoming all the same, that tribes are losing their identities by developing the awareness of who they are as a race. In their opinion, our dance traditions, dances, and dance outfits have become so generalized, homogenized, and Pan-Indianized that one is no longer able to recognize differences. Their consensus is that tribal identity has become a homogeneous generalization, as shown by the similarity of the dance outfits. In other words, in the opinion of those who write our history for us, in our dance regalia we all look alike. The dance outfit – traditional, jingle, grass, fancy - provides continuity with our tribal past and our tribal present. Our dance clothing reminds us of the beauty of our culture and of our race. Through our dance, the dance outfit becomes the art that makes visible the utterance of our soul-spirits. For many spectators, there are certain dancers through whom the utterance of the soul-spirit is made visible. And it is the dance outfit that provides this visibility of the individual to the spectator. For the spectator and the dancer, the dance outfit defines who we are and where we came from. Because our dance clothing has a personal meaning and a spiritual content, we never refer to it as a costume. What we call an Ojibwe-style traditional outfit today can sometimes be difficult to define. Certainly, Northern Plains styles have strongly influenced Ojibwe-Anishinaabe men's traditional regalia. Plains bone hairpipe breastplates, bandolier straps, eagle feather epaulets and visors, and Northern-style eagle feather bustles are a few examples of standardized regalia on an Ojibwe dancer's traditional outfit. To some, these trends have led to a Pan-Indian style in dance outfits. In this mind-set, all dancers look the same way because, presumably, they wear the same outfits. In blinders, these critics see only the roach and the bustle. They fail to look beyond the commonality and see the individuality of the dance outfit. To them, an outfit is merely an ethnic costume that lacks any significant meaning. They fail to see that the dance outfit continues to reflect the culture of origin. Indeed, many of the Northern Plains adaptations of regalia have, in fact, precedent forms among the Ojibwe-Anishinaabe. Breastplates made from wood were worn by Ojibwe-Anishinaabe warriors. Roaches originated among Anishinaabe tribes. And, in a 1830s sketch by George Catlin, Ojibwe-Anishinaabe dancers performing before the Queen of England clearly wear eagle feather belts. This drawing strongly suggests that eagle feather belts were known by the Ojibwe-Anishinaabe before their use by the Omaha/Ponca Hethushka societies. This brings to question who had what first. Seen in this light, Northern Plains regalia adaptations may simply be re-adaptations of regalia that existed among the Ojibwe-Anishinaabe before the development of the Hethushka. Although Northern Plains dance traditions seemingly predominate in the powwow, there are areas where they strongly conflict with Ojibwe-Anishinaabe dance traditions. For example, in some Northern Plains cultures it is permissible for women to sit at a drum and sing with the men. At a 1993 Ojibwe traditional powwow in northern Minnesota, a Dakota drum group called the Rising Hail Singers, composed of a male lead, male co-lead, and four young female singers, received a cool reception by many of the elders and some of the dancers. In Ojibwe-Anishinaabe culture it is not permissible for women to be seated and to sing at a drum; instead, women are allowed to stand outside the drum and provide a chorus for the singers. Thus, the Rising Hail Singers were considered a departure from Ojibwe-Anishinaabe beliefs, and some of the people felt that there was something wrong with a drum with female singers. This was unfortunate because it prevented those listeners from hearing the beautiful songs by this fine drum group. At contest powwows, drum groups with female singers are more common. Popular groups include Cathedral Lake Singers, Little Boy Singers, and the Ironwood Singers. Another example is the carrying of children in the dance circle. At Oyate powwows, it is common for parents to carry their children in their arms as they dance. At Ojibwe-Anishinaabe powwows, however, parents are often publicly admonished by the emcee for carrying their children in the dance circle. This is because to the Ojibwe-Anishinaabe the dance circle represents the Path of Life where all our relatives, past and present, have left their tracks. If a child is carried, then they are not able to leave their own tracks in the dance circle. Yet another example is the custom of some Oyate traditional dancers of dancing counterclockwise around the dance circle. This manner of dancing emphasizes the role of the warrior in protecting and defending the women, children, and elders within the circle. In Ojibwe-Anishinaabe dance, male traditional dancers dance clockwise to follow the movement of the Path of Life that, in turn, follows the movement of Grandfather Sun. It is dance traditions such as these that enable Ojibwe-Anishinaabe traditional powwows to retain and give expression to their separate identity as a dance culture - a dance culture that did not begin with the coming of the powwow, but one that began long ago, when the Earth was new. And it is the role of the community to ensure that our dance traditions continue to be a part of our dance circle. It is often said that you cannot have a powwow without the singers or without the dancers. It can also be said that you cannot have a powwow without the spectators. Spectators form the majority of people at a powwow; in other words, most Indian people watch rather than dance at a powwow. There was a time when everyone danced at social gatherings. With the coming of the powwow at the turn of the century, some individuals became dancers (or singers) and others became spectators. Spectators were, of course, something new to social dance. The powwow itself was not responsible for this segmentation; rather it was the changes in the tribal social structure imposed by forces outside the community, that is, Euro-American oppression through church and government. The development of Native spectators resulted from boarding schools where Native children were prohibited from using their own language and expressing their tribal customs and beliefs. The act of dancing, once an essential part of the inner balance of an individual, no longer had meaning to the individual. The powwow, however, provided an elemental connection between the dancer and the spectator. The individual's racial collective consciousness took visual form through the movements of the dancer. Through the dancer, spectators remembered their ancestors, their clans, their traditions, and their histories. In this regard, the dancer danced for the individual who watched. Those who watch today are no different than those who watched a hundred years ago. Dance connects us - and those who watch - to all those who have danced in the Path of Life through the eons of many moons. The tracks that they have left connect us to the Spirit World and to our relatives who dwell there, to our Earth Mother, to the Four Directions, to our brother eagle, to our clan animal-ancestors, and to the Manidoowiwin Anishinaabe (Tribal Spirit) of our people. For the spectator, the powwow is a personal experience that reaffirms one's sense of identity, cultural self-esteem, well-being, and balance. To some, the issue of intertribal traditions is a simple issue of black and white with no shading of grays, the them and us theme, the old "Chippewa versus Sioux" mentality played over and over again. To others, it is a much deeper issue than the integration of intertribal traditions: they fear that the contest powwow will replace the traditional powwow. Certainly their fear is well founded. By the mid- 1970s, the contest powwow had all but replaced the wacipi, the traditional powwow of the Lakota. However, if anything is to be learned from Powwow 101, it is that the result of the contest powwow has not been to divide different tribal cultures but to bring different tribal cultures together. And it is the Drum, which symbolizes peace and good will between communities, which has brought the people together. And, lest we forget, the Drum came to us from our friends out West. Indeed, without intertribal traditions, we would not have the Drum. It is through that Drum today that our traditional powwows remain strong. Community criticism of the contest powwow is not limited to integration of traditions but also includes commercialization of the powwow, admission fees, dance politics, and biased judging and favoritism. It is, unfortunately, beyond the scope and space of this essay to address those concerns. They are, however, legitimate concerns. Yet, the contest powwow certainly has positive attributes. For the individual dancer, competition dancing helps build confidence, character, stamina, and balance. And competition dancing allows the spectator the opportunity to see the best dancers within their respective categories, great champion dancers like Ben Lovejoy, Nathan Smith, Terry Fiddler, and Jonathan Windy Boy. Lastly, one of the most significant contributions of the contest powwow is the dance music. The songs that we dance to today represent a renaissance in powwow music that embodies a vast repertoire of older traditional songs, many revised and newly composed songs. Indeed, without contest dancing our dance circle would be incomplete. Our traditional powwow continues to predominate; traditional powwows far outnumber contest powwows in Minnesota and Wisconsin. The old songs are still sung and danced to as they shall forever be. Yet, the concerns and criticisms of the community are valid. We need to make sure that our traditional powwows retain and express our tribal-centricity. This does not mean we have to become xenophobic. We need to understand that dance traditions are something that we share, not only with other tribes but within our own tribe as well. With our sharing comes knowledge. We need to understand that our traditions represent continuity through change, and change through continuity. Rather than separating and dividing us, our many varied traditions should bring us together. We need to understand this for ourselves, for our children, and for the coming generations. Dance traditions help inform us as to who we are, where we come from, and where we are going to-individually and racially. And we need to understand who we are as a race, but not through the westernized concepts of what race is. We need to realize that we are not American Indians, but that we are Native Americans, whose vast indigenous domain extends from the Arctic Circle to the tip of South America. We need to understand that our raciality is not based on sameness but rather on our diversity. And it is our cultural traditions that give credence to our diversity. The powwow today continues to exemplify the diversity that exists among us. The traditions -intercultural and intertribal - that form the powwow today enlighten us as to the commonality of who we are as a people. And what this means is that we are not all the same, nor do we have to be. What is important are our shared collective traditions that have formed the beauty that is the powwow today. So be it. NOTES. 1 Ben Black Bear Sr., Songs and Dances of the Lakota, Rosebud, S.D.: Sinte Gleska Press, 1976, 12. 2 Quoted in Chris Roberts, Powwow Country, Helena, Mont.: American and World Geographic Publishing, 1995, 17. © 1997, Robert DesJarlait
0 Comments
|
AuthorEndaso-Giizhik Archives
June 2021
Categories |